Fwd: EMBARGOED UNTIL 6:00 AM ET: WEEKLY ADDRESS: President Affirms Commitment to International Cooperation in Strengthening Economy and Stopping Nuclear Proliferation

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary

______________________________________________________________________________

EMBARGOED UNTIL 6:00 AM ET, SATURDAY, September 26, 2009

 

WEEKLY ADDRESS: President Affirms Commitment to International Cooperation in Strengthening Economy and Stopping Nuclear Proliferation

 

WASHINGTON – In this week's address, President Barack Obama recounted the progress made this past week in advancing America's national security and economic prosperity at the United Nations and the G-20.  The administration established the U.S. as a leader in the pursuit for clean energy, and agreed to reform the global financial system to prevent another crisis.  Also, the President joined the first meeting between Israeli and Palestinian leaders in nearly a year, chaired a meeting of the UN Security Council, which passed a resolution to secure loose nuclear materials, and stood in agreement with our European allies and Russia that Iran must not acquire nuclear weapons.

 

The audio and video will be available at 6:00am Saturday, September 26, 2009 at www.whitehouse.gov.

 

Prepared Remarks of President Barack Obama

Weekly Address

The White House

September 26, 2009

 

This week, I joined leaders from around the world at the United Nations and the G-20 economic summit in Pittsburgh.  Today, I can report on what we achieved—a new commitment to meet common challenges, and real progress in advancing America's national security and economic prosperity.

 

As I said at the U.N., over the past nine months my administration has renewed American leadership, and pursued a new era of engagement in which we call upon all nations to live up to their responsibilities. This week, our engagement produced tangible results in several areas. 

 

In Pittsburgh, the world's major economies agreed to continue our effort to spur global demand to put our people back to work.  We committed ourselves to economic growth that is balanced and sustained— so that we avoid the booms and busts of the past.  We reached an historic agreement to reform the global financial system—to promote responsibility and prevent abuse so that we never face a crisis like this again. And we reformed our international economic architecture, so that we can better coordinate our effort to meet the challenges of the 21st century.

 

We also established American leadership in the global pursuit of the clean energy of the 21st century.  I am proud that the G-20 nations agreed to phase out $300 billion worth of fossil fuel subsidies. This will increase our energy security, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, combat the threat of climate change, and help create the new jobs and industries of the future.

 

In New York, we advanced the cause of peace and security.  I joined the first meeting between Israeli and Palestinian leaders in nearly a year—a meeting that even nine months ago did not seem possible.  And we resolved to move forward in the journey toward a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East.

 

We also took unprecedented steps to secure loose nuclear materials; to stop the spread of nuclear weapons; and to seek a world without them.  As the first U.S. president to ever chair a meeting of the United Nations Security Council, I was proud that the Council passed an historic and unanimous resolution embracing the comprehensive strategy I outlined this year in Prague.

 

To prevent nuclear weapons from falling into the hands of terrorists, the Security Council endorsed our global effort to lock down all vulnerable material within four years.  We reaffirmed the basic compact of the global nonproliferation regime: all nations have the right to peaceful nuclear energy; nations with nuclear weapons have the responsibility to move toward disarmament; and nations without them have the responsibility to forsake them. 

 

The United States is meeting our responsibilities by pursuing an agreement with Russia to reduce our strategic warheads and launchers.  And just as we meet our responsibilities, so must other nations, including Iran and North Korea.

 

Earlier this year, we imposed tough, new, sanctions on North Korea to stop their efforts to develop weapons of mass destruction. And we will continue to stand with our allies and partners to press North Korea to move in a new direction.

 

This week, we joined with the United Kingdom and France in presenting evidence that Iran has been building a secret nuclear facility to enrich uranium. This is a serious challenge to the global nonproliferation regime, and continues a disturbing pattern of Iranian evasion. That is why international negotiations with Iran scheduled for October 1st now take on added urgency. 

 

My offer of a serious, meaningful dialogue to resolve this issue remains open.  But Iran must now cooperate fully with the International Atomic Energy Agency, and take action to demonstrate its peaceful intentions.

 

On this, the international community is more united than ever before.  Yesterday, I stood shoulder-to-shoulder with our European allies in condemning Iran's program. In our meetings and public statements, President Medvedev of Russia and I agreed that Iran must pursue a new course or face consequences. All of the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and Germany, have made it clear that Iran must fulfill its responsibilities.       

 

Iran's leaders must now choose – they can live up to their responsibilities and achieve integration with the community of nations. Or they will face increased pressure and isolation, and deny opportunity to their own people.

 

These are the urgent threats of our time.  And the United States is committed to a new chapter of international cooperation to meet them.  This new chapter will not be written in one week or even one year.  But we have begun.  And for the American people and the people of the world, it will mean greater security and prosperity for years to come.  

   

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Fwd: EMBARGOED UNTIL DELIVERY: Remarks of President Barack Obama at Hudson Valley Community College

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary

__________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

EMBARGOED UNTIL DELIVERY:

September 21, 2009 

Remarks of President Barack Obama—As Prepared for Delivery

Innovation and Sustainable Growth

Troy, New York

September 21, 2009

 

Thank you, Jill. Dr. Jill Biden has been a teacher for almost three decades and she's spent most of that time in community colleges. She understands, as you do, the power of these institutions to prepare students for 21^st century jobs, and to prepare America for a 21^st century global economy. That's what's happening right here at Hudson Valley Community College. This is a place where anyone with the desire to take their career to a new level or start a new career altogether has the opportunity to pursue that dream. This is a place where people of all ages and backgrounds – even in the face of obstacles, even in the face of very difficult personal challenges – can take a chance on a brighter future for themselves and their families.

 

I know that here in Troy, you want and need that chance after so many years of hard times. Communities like this one were once the heart of America's manufacturing strength. But over the last few decades, you've borne the brunt of a changing economy which has seen many manufacturing plants close in the face of global competition.  So while all of America has been gripped by the current economic crisis, folks in Troy and upstate New York have been dealing with what amounts to a permanent recession for years: an economic downturn that has driven more and more young people from their hometowns.

 

I also know that while many have come here promising better news, that news has been hard to come by, despite the determined efforts of the leaders who are here today and many who are not. Part of the reason is that while the people of this city work hard to meet their responsibilities, some in Washington haven't always lived up to theirs. For too long, as old divisions and special interests reigned, Washington has shown neither the inclination nor the ability to tackle our toughest challenges. Meanwhile, businesses were saddled with ever-rising health care costs and the economy was weakened by an ever-growing dependence on foreign oil; our investments in cutting-edge research declined and our schools fell short; growth focused on short-term gains and fueled by debt and reckless risk led to cycles of precipitous booms and painful busts.

 

Now, after so many years of failing to act, there are those who suggest that nothing government can do will make a difference; that what we've seen in places like Troy is inevitable; that somehow, the parts of our country that helped us lead in the last century don't have what it takes to help us lead in this one. I am here today to tell you that this is just flat out wrong. What we have here is a community filled with talented people, entrepreneurial small businesses, and world-class learning institutions. The ingredients are here for growth and success and a better future.

 

You are proving that in the Hudson Valley. Students here are training full time while working part time at GE Energy in Schenectady, becoming a new generation of American leaders in a new generation of American manufacturing. IBM has partnered with the University at Albany; their partnership in nanotechnology is helping students train in the industries in which America has the potential to lead. Rensselaer is partnering not only with this institution but with businesses throughout the Tech Valley. And early next year, Hudson Valley Community College's state-of-the-art TEC-SMART training facility is set to open side-by-side with Global Foundry's coming state-of-the-art semiconductor plant. 

 

So we know that Upstate New York can succeed. And we know that in a global economy – where there is no room for error and there is certainly no room for wasted potential – America needs you to succeed.  As we emerge from this economic crisis, our great challenge will be to ensure that we do not simply drift into the future, accepting less for our children and less for America. Instead, we must choose to do what past generations have done: shape a brighter future through hard work and innovation. That's how we'll not only recover, but rebuild stronger than before: strong enough to compete in the global economy; strong enough to avoid the cycles of boom and bust that have wreaked so much havoc; strong enough to create and support the jobs of the future in the industries of the future.

 

Today, my administration is releasing our strategy to foster new jobs, new businesses, and new industries by laying the groundwork and the ground rules to best tap our innovative potential. This work began with the recovery plan, which devoted well over $100 billion to innovation, from high-tech classrooms to health information technology, from more energy-efficient homes to more fuel-efficient cars, from building a smart electricity grid to laying down high-speed rail lines. But it does not end there. For this strategy is about far more than recovery; it is about sustained growth and widely-shared prosperity. And it is rooted in a simple idea, that if government does its modest part, there is no stopping the most powerful and generative economic force the world has ever known: the American people.

 

Our strategy begins where innovation so often does: in the classroom and in the laboratory – and in the networks that connect them to the broader economy. These are the building blocks of innovation: education, infrastructure, and research.

 

We know that the nation that out-educates us today will out-compete us tomorrow. The ability of new industries to thrive depends on workers with the knowledge and know-how to contribute in those fields. Yet, today, our primary and secondary schools continue to trail many of our competitors, especially in key areas like math and science. Hundreds of thousands of high school graduates who are prepared for college do not go to four-year or two-year schools because of the high cost of doing so. And roughly 40 percent of students who start college don't complete college. All along that education pipeline, too many slip through the cracks. It's not only heartbreaking for those students; it's a loss for our economy and our country.

 

Now, I know that for a long time politicians have spoken of training as a silver bullet and college as a cure-all. It's not – and we know that. But we also know that in the coming years, jobs requiring at least an associate's degree are projected to grow twice as fast as jobs requiring no college experience.  We will not fill those jobs – or keep those jobs on our shores – without graduating more students, including millions more students from community colleges. That's why I've asked Dr. Biden to travel the country promoting the opportunities that these schools offer. That's why I'm grateful that Senator Chuck Schumer has shown tremendous leadership on this issue.

 

And that is why I've set this ambitious goal: by 2020, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world. And to reach this goal, we've increased Pell Grants and created a simplified $2,500 tax credit for college tuition. We've made student aid applications less complicated and ensured that that aid is not based on the income of a job you've lost. We've passed a new GI Bill of Rights to help soldiers coming home from Iraq and Afghanistan begin a new life in a new economy. And the recovery plan has helped close state budget shortfalls – which put enormous pressure on public universities and community colleges – while also making historic investments in elementary and secondary schools. Finally, through the American Graduation Initiative I've proposed, we will reform and strengthen community colleges to help an additional five million Americans earn degrees and certificates in the next decade. Because a new generation of innovations depends on a new generation of innovators.  

 

And just last week, the House of Representatives passed a bill that will go a long way to reform the student loan system so that college is more affordable for more people. Right now, the federal government provides a subsidy to banks to get them to lend students money. The thing is, the federal government guarantees the loan in case the student doesn't repay. So we subsidize the banks to take on the risk of these loans even though taxpayers just absorb the price of that risk anyway. This costs us more than $80 billion. If we simply cut out the middle-man, and lent directly, the federal government would save that money, and we could use it for what it is actually meant for: helping students afford and succeed in college.

 

That's what the bill I proposed does. It takes the $80 billion dollars the banks currently get, and uses it to make Pell Grants larger. It uses those funds to focus on innovative efforts to help students not only go to college but to graduate. And, just as important, these savings will allow us to make the largest investment ever in the most underappreciated asset of our education system: community colleges like Hudson Valley, which are so essential to the future of young people and our economy. And we hope to improve on this bill in the Senate to go even further on behalf of students.

 

Ending this unwarranted subsidy for the big banks is a no-brainer for folks everywhere. Everywhere except Washington, that is. In fact, we're already seeing the special interests rallying to save this giveaway. The large banks – many who have benefited from taxpayer bailouts during the financial crisis – are lobbying to keep this easy money flowing. This is exactly the kind of special interest effort that has succeeded before and that we cannot allow to succeed again. This is exactly the kind of waste that leaves people wary of government and leaves our country saddled with a trillion dollar deficit with little to show for it. This is exactly what I came to Washington to change. And I look forward to winning this fight in the Senate, as we just have in the House, and signing this bill into law.

 

One key to strengthening education, entrepreneurship, and innovation in communities like Troy is to harness the full power of the internet. That means faster and more widely available broadband– as well as rules to ensure that we preserve the fairness and openness that led to the flourishing of the internet in the first place. Today, FCC Chairman Julius Genachowski is announcing a set of principles to preserve an open internet in which all Americans can participate and benefit. I am pleased that he is taking this step. It is an important reminder that the role of government is to provide investment that spurs innovation and common-sense ground rules to ensure that there is a level playing field for all comers who seek to contribute their innovations.

 

And we have to think about the networks we need today, but also the networks we'll want tomorrow. That's why I've proposed grants through the National Science Foundation and through the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency – which helped develop the internet – to explore the next communications breakthroughs, whatever they may be. And that's why I've appointed the first-ever Chief Technology Officer, charged with looking at ways technology can spur innovations that help government do a better and more efficient job.

 

We must also strengthen our commitment to research, including basic research, which has been badly neglected for decades. The fact is, basic research may not pay off immediately. It may not pay off for years. And when it does, the rewards are often broadly shared, enjoyed by those who bore its costs but also by those who did not. That's why the private sector generally under-invests in basic science, and why the public sector must invest in its stead. While the risks may be large, so are the rewards for our economy and our society. It was basic research in the photoelectric effect that would one day lead to solar panels.  It was basic research in physics that would eventually produce the CAT scan.  The calculations of today's GPS satellites are based on the equations Einstein put to paper more than a century ago.

 

When we fail to invest in research, we fail to invest in the future. Yet, since the peak of the Space Race in the 1960s, our national commitment to research and development has steadily fallen as a share of our national income. That is why I have set a goal of putting a full three percent of our Gross Domestic Product – our national income – into research and development, surpassing the commitment we made when President Kennedy challenged this nation to send a man to the moon. Toward this goal, the Recovery Act has helped achieve the largest increase in basic research in history. And this month the National Institutes of Health will award more than a billion dollars in research grants through the Recovery Act focused on what we can learn from the mapping of the human genome in order to treat diseases that affect millions of Americans, from cancer to heart disease. I also want to urge Congress to fully fund the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, DARPA, which has since its creation been a source of cutting-edge breakthroughs from that early internet to stealth technology.

 

As we invest in the building blocks of innovation, from the classroom to the laboratory, it is also essential that we have competitive and vibrant markets that promote innovation as well. Education and research help foster new ideas, but it takes fair and free markets to turn those ideas into industries.

 

My budget finally makes the research and experimentation tax credit permanent.  This is a tax credit that helps companies afford the often high costs of developing new ideas, new technologies, and new products – which often mean new jobs. And this tax incentive returns two dollars to the economy for every one dollar we spend. Time and again, I've heard from leaders – from Silicon Valley to the Tech Valley – about how important this is. I've also proposed reducing to zero the capital gains tax for investments in small or startup businesses. Because small businesses are innovative businesses, producing thirteen times more patents per employee than large companies.

 

Now, these tax incentives will spur entrepreneurship. But there are other important steps to foster markets that value and promote the risk takers and idea makers who have always been at the center of our success. That is why it is essential that we enforce trade laws and work with our trading partners to open up markets abroad; that we reform and strengthen our intellectual property system; that we sustain our advantage as a place that draws and welcomes the brightest minds from all around the world; and that we unlock sources of credit and capital which have been in short supply as a result of the financial crisis.

 

There are other fundamental barriers to innovation and economic growth that we must tackle in order to ensure American leadership and prosperity in the 21^st century. For as a nation we face enormous challenges, from ending our dependence on oil to finally providing all Americans with quality, affordable health care. We need to focus on innovations that will help us meet these challenges – innovations that will benefit society while creating new jobs in new industries.

 

Health care costs, for example, leave our small businesses at a disadvantage when competing with our large businesses, and leave our large businesses at a disadvantage when competing around the world. And we will never know the enormity of the cost to our economy of the countless Americans unable to become an entrepreneur, to start a small business, to follow their dreams – because they're afraid of losing their health insurance. To lead in the global economy, we must pass health insurance reform that brings down costs, provides more security for people who have insurance, and offers affordable options for those who don't.

 

And the recovery plan that we passed earlier this year has begun to modernize our health care system, by taking the long-overdue step of computerizing America's health records. This will reduce the waste and errors that cost billions of dollars and thousands of lives – while protecting patients' privacy. It's important to note, too, these records hold the potential of offering patients the chance to be more active participants in the prevention and treatment of illness. And health information technology, if implemented effectively, has the potential to unlock so many unanticipated benefits, as the patterns in data we do not yet collect reveal discoveries we cannot predict.

 

But in no area will innovation be more important than in the development of new ways to produce, use, and save energy. I firmly believe that the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. That is why we're doubling our capacity to generate renewable energy and building a stronger and smarter electric grid. We're investing in technologies to power a new generation of clean-energy vehicles.  We've helped reach an agreement to raise fuel economy standards. And for the first time in history, we've passed a bill to create a system of clean energy incentives which will help make renewable energy the profitable kind of energy in America – while helping to end our dependence on oil and protect our planet for future generations. The bill has passed the House and now we're working to pass legislation through the Senate.

 

That is an overview of our strategy. It is a strategy that is essential for our recovery today and our prosperity tomorrow. And it is a strategy rooted in a deep and abiding faith in the ability of this country to rise to any challenge. That is our history. We are a people with a seemingly limitless supply of ingenuity and daring and talent. And at its best, our government has harnessed those qualities without getting in the way. That is what led to the building of the Erie Canal which helped put cities like Troy on the map, that linked east and west and allowed commerce and competition to flow freely between. That is what led an inventor and shrewd businessman named Thomas Edison to come to Schenectady and open what is today a thriving mom-and-pop operation known as General Electric.

 

A former Senator from New York, Robert Kennedy, once told us, "The future is not a gift. It is an achievement." It was not an accident that America led the 20^th century. It was the result of hard work and discipline and sacrifice, and ambition that served a common purpose. So it must be in the 21^st century. Future success is no guarantee. As Americans we must always remember that our leadership is not an inheritance, it is a responsibility.

 

From biotechnology to nanotechnology, from the development of new forms of energy to research into treatments of ancient diseases, there is so much potential to change our world and improve our lives – while creating countless jobs all across America. The question is if we are ready to embrace that potential, if we are ready to lead the way once more. And I know that we are ready. I've seen it all across America. This generation has an unparalleled opportunity that we are called upon to seize. That is what you are doing at Hudson Valley Community College. And that is what we will do as a nation.

 

Thank you.

Weekly Address: President Obama Promotes Tougher Rules on Wall Street to Protect Consumers

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary

______________________________________________________________________________

EMBARGOED UNTIL 6:00 AM ET, SATURDAY, September 19, 2009

 

 

WEEKLY ADDRESS: President Obama Promotes Tougher Rules on Wall Street to Protect Consumers

 

 

WASHINGTON – In this week's address, President Obama highlighted the need for a Consumer Financial Protection Agency to implement clearly enforced rules to help strengthen our financial markets and protect the interests of American consumers. The President also pointed to the aggressive and necessary action taken by his administration and other nations to stop our country's economic freefall, and pledged to continue working with world leaders both at the upcoming G-20 summit and beyond to build on the progress already made.

 

The full audio of the address is HERE. The video can be viewed online at www.whitehouse.gov.

 

 

Remarks of President Barack Obama

Weekly Address

The White House

September 19, 2009

 

Leaders of the world's largest economies will gather next week in Pittsburgh for the second time this year.  The first meeting of the G-20 nations in April came at the height of the global financial crisis – a crisis that required unprecedented international cooperation to jumpstart the world's economies and help break the downward spiral that enveloped all our nations.

 

At next week's summit, we'll have, in effect, a five-month checkup to review the steps each nation has taken – separately and together – to break the back of this economic crisis. And the good news is that we've made real progress since last time we met – here at home and around the world.

 

In February, we enacted a Recovery Act, providing relief to Americans who need it, preventing layoffs, and putting Americans back to work. We've worked to unlock frozen credit markets, spurring lending to Americans looking to buy homes or cars, take out student loans, or finance small businesses. And we've challenged other nations to join us not only to spur global demand, but to address the underlying problems that caused such a deep global recession in the first place.

 

Because of the steps taken by our nation and all nations, we can now say that we have stopped our economic freefall. But we also know that stopping the bleeding isn't nearly enough. Our work is far from over. We know we still have a lot to do here at home to build an economy that is producing good jobs for all those who are looking for work today. And we know we still have a lot to do, in conjunction with nations around the world, to strengthen the rules governing financial markets and ensure that we never again find ourselves in the precarious situation we found ourselves in just one year ago.

 

As I told leaders of our financial community in New York City earlier this week, a return to normalcy can't breed complacency. To protect our economy and people from another market meltdown, our government needs to fundamentally reform the rules governing financial firms and markets to meet the challenges of the 21st century.  We cannot allow the thirst for reckless schemes that produce quick profits and fat executive bonuses to override the security of our entire financial system and leave taxpayers on the hook for cleaning up the mess. And as the world's largest economy, we must lead, not just by word, but by example, understanding that in the 21st century, financial crises know no borders. All of us need to act more responsibly on behalf of a better economic future. 

 

That is why, at next week's G20 summit, we'll discuss some of the steps that are required to safeguard our global financial system and close gaps in regulation around the world – gaps that permitted the kinds of reckless risk-taking and irresponsibility that led to the crisis. And that's why I've called on Congress to put in place a series of tough, common-sense rules of the road that will protect consumers from abuse, let markets function fairly and freely, and help prevent a crisis like this from ever happening again.

 

Central to these reforms is a new Consumer Financial Protection Agency. Part of what led to this crisis were not just decisions made on Wall Street, but also unsustainable mortgage loans made across the country. While many folks took on more than they knew they could afford, too often folks signed contracts they didn't fully understand offered by lenders who didn't always tell the truth.  That's why we need clear rules, clearly enforced. And that's what this agency will do.

 

Consumers shouldn't have to worry about loan contracts written to confuse, hidden fees attached to their mortgages, and financial penalties – whether through a credit card or debit card – that appear without a clear warning on their statements. And responsible lenders, including community banks, trying to do the right thing shouldn't have to worry about ruinous competition from unregulated and unscrupulous competitors.

 

Not surprisingly, lobbyists for big Wall Street banks are hard at work trying to stop reforms that would hold them accountable and they want to keep things just the way they are. But we cannot let politics as usual triumph so business as usual can reign. We cannot let the narrow interests of a few come before the interests of all of us. We cannot forget how close we came to the brink, and perpetuate the broken system and breakdown of responsibility that made it possible.

 

In the weeks and months ahead, we have an opportunity to build on the work we've already done. An opportunity to rebuild our global economy stronger that before. An opportunity not only to protect the American people and America's economy, but to promote sustained and balanced growth and prosperity for our nation and all nations. And that's an opportunity I am determined to seize.

 

So, thanks for listening and thanks for watching, and to our Jewish friends, who are celebrating Rosh Hashanah, have a happy and healthy New Year. Shanah Tovah.

 

 

 

EMBARGOED UNTIL DELIVERY: Remarks of President Barack Obama at GM Lordstown Assembly Plant

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary

_______________________________________________________________________________________

EMBARGOED UNTIL DELIVERY

September 15, 2009

 

Remarks of President Barack Obama—As prepared for delivery

GM Lordstown Assembly Plant

Lordstown, Ohio

September 15, 2009

 

 

It is good to be back in Ohio, and it's good to be at one of GM's flagship plants with all of you.  I just finished having a productive discussion with some of your coworkers about the challenges you're facing, both here and in your communities, and how we can meet them. 

 

We talked about the economic troubles you've been weathering here in Trumbull County since long before our current crisis.  Over the years, you've seen factories close, your friends laid off, and your sons and daughters move away in search of jobs and opportunity.  I know it was painful around here earlier this year, when three shifts at this plant were cut down to one.  And today, the local unemployment rate is unacceptably high - the second-highest in Ohio.  I know at times, it seems like this community is on the brink - again. 

 

There are some who see this pain and suggest that it's all somehow inevitable - that the only way for America to get ahead is for communities like yours to be left behind.  But we know better.  We know that our success on a nation depends on the success of communities just like this one.  We know that the battle for America's future will be fought and won not just in the big cities, not just on the coasts, but in towns like Elkhart and Pittsburgh; Warren and Youngstown.

 

That's why I'm proud to be here with all of you.  You work hard.  You meet your responsibilities.  You deserve better.  You deserve better than the attitude that's prevailed from Washington to Wall Street to Detroit for too long; an attitude that valued wealth over work, selfishness over sacrifice, and greed over responsibility.  And that's why I want you to know that every day I step into the Oval Office, I am thinking about you, I am working for you, and I am fighting on your behalf.

 

Sometimes, that involves making tough decisions that have been put off for too long.  Now, as I've said before, I didn't run for President to manage auto companies.  It wasn't something on my to-do list.  It wasn't even something on my want-to-do list.  I wasn't going to put any more tax dollars on the line if it meant perpetuating the bad business decisions that led to this point.  But in the midst of a deep recession and financial crisis, the collapse of the auto industry would have caused enormous damage to our economy.  So we intervened for one simple and compelling reason: your survival and the success of our economy depended on it. 

 

Our belief was that if GM retooled and reinvented itself for the 21st century, it would be good for American workers, good for American manufacturing, and good for America's economy.  I'm pleased to report that's exactly what's begun to happen at this plant and at others.  And I'll tell you what: I will double down on the American people and all of you any day of the week.

 

One of the other efforts we undertook was the Cash for Clunkers program.  That program was good for automakers, consumers, and our environment - and the Chevy Cobalt that you build here was one of GM's most sought-after cars under that program.  Dealers across the country started running out of it and needed you to build more.

 

One other thing.  For too long, our auto companies faced uncertain and conflicting fuel economy standards.  That made it difficult for you to plan down the road.  That's why, today, we are launching - for the first time in history - a new national standard aimed at both increasing gas mileage and decreasing greenhouse gas pollution for all new cars and trucks sold in America.  This action will give our auto companies some long-overdue clarity, stability, and predictability.  In the past, an agreement like this would have been impossible - but this time was different.  Unlikely allies came together - automakers, the UAW, environmental advocates, Democrats and Republicans, California and more than a dozen other states - all of them pledging to set aside the quarrels of the past for the sake of the future.

 

Because of the steps we have taken, this plant is about to shift into higher gear.  150 of your coworkers came back to work yesterday.  More than 1,000 will be coming back to work in less than three weeks as production of the Cobalt ramps up.  And next year, this plant will begin production of the Chevy Cruze, a new car that will get more than 40 miles per gallon.

 

So if you picked up a copy of the Youngstown Vindicator back in January, you would have seen a headline that read "Worries mount in wake of layoffs."  But just a couple of weeks ago, you'd have read a different story - "Good news at Lordstown is good news for all."  And today, you made some more good news: I understand that the one millionth Cobalt rolled off the assembly line late last night.  So I want to not just congratulate, but thank each and every one of you.  You're doing your part to move us forward and make sure that the high-quality, well-engineered, safe and fuel-efficient cars of the future will be built where they always have been - right here in Ohio, right here across the Midwest, right here in America.

 

But even though you're proving that American automakers are getting back in the game, you know that our economic troubles are far from over.  You know that we have a lot of work to do to not just get this community moving again, and this economy moving again, but to build a stronger foundation for our future. 

 

Some folks in Washington have already forgotten just what it was we walked into eight months ago.  So let's just go through the facts of where we were.  A financial system near collapse.  700,000 workers losing their jobs each month.  A sudden decline in credit that made it very difficult to take out home loans, auto loans, student loans, or small business loans. It was so bad that experts of all political persuasions feared a second coming of the Great Depression.

 

So we took bold, swift action to make sure that didn't happen.  We moved to keep responsible homeowners in their homes and jumpstart lending.  And we passed a sweeping Recovery Act without any of the usual Washington earmarks or pork-barrel spending - and that plan is working.

 

Now this is important.  One-third of that plan went to tax relief.  We cut your taxes.  We cut taxes for 95 percent of America's working families - 4.5 million families in Ohio alone - and we cut taxes for small businesses on the investments they make.

 

Another third was emergency relief.  For Americans who were laid off, we extended unemployment benefits - a measure that made a difference for 12 million Americans, including 570,000 right here in Ohio.  We made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families relying on COBRA while looking for work.  We saved the jobs of tens of thousands of state and local workers, including 336 police officers right here in Ohio. 

 

The last third is investing in your towns and your future.  Just as one example of many, over in Canfield, we awarded a competitive contract to a local company to repair a bridge on Route 11.  That allowed them to avoid layoffs they were otherwise going to make.  And that allowed local folks to keep coming to work, doing the work America needs done.

 

We still have a long way to go, Ohio.  But there's little debate that the decisions we have made and the steps we have taken have helped stop our economic freefall.  In some places, they've helped us turn the corner.  Home sales are up, business investment is starting to stabilize, and for the first time in 18 months, we are seeing growth in manufacturing.  I know that's small consolation when so many people you know are still out of work or have given up looking.  It's going to take some time to achieve a complete recovery.  But I will not rest until anyone looking for a job can find one - and I'm not talking about just any job; but good jobs that give every family a fair shot at the American Dream.  That's what we're fighting for every day. 

 

We're fighting for an America where your children will be armed with the skills they need to compete with any worker, anywhere in the world.  We're making an historic commitment to strengthening and improving education from the cradle to a career.  And I have set a goal that by 2020, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world. 

 

We're fighting for an America where clean energy generates green jobs - jobs that can't be outsourced; jobs that help free us from the grip of foreign oil; jobs that make sure the cars of the future and the technologies that power them are made right here in the USA.

 

And yes, just in case you were wondering, we are fighting for an America where no American should have to worry about going without health insurance or fear that one illness could cost them everything.  We're going to reform the system to provide more security and stability to those who have health insurance; offer quality, affordable choices to those who currently don't; and bring health care costs for our families, our businesses, and our government under control.

 

That's what we're fighting for.  To bring Lordstown and Youngstown and Warren back.  To make sure that our towns and our middle class - a middle class forged in plants just like this one - don't just survive today, but thrive tomorrow.  And I want you to deliver a message to the GM Team members who are manning the line and couldn't join us today:  As long as you've still got an ounce of fight left in you, I'll have a ton of fight left in me.  And as long as I have the privilege of being your President, I'm going to keep fighting for a future that is brighter for this community, for Ohio, and for the United States of America.  Thank you.

Weekly Address: President Obama Highlights New Treasury Report on Instability of Health Insurance in America

THE WHITE HOUSE

 

Office of the Press Secretary

________________________________________________________________

EMBARGOED UNTIL 6:00 AM ET, SATURDAY, September 12, 2009

 

WEEKLY ADDRESS: President Obama Highlights New Treasury Report on Instability of Health Insurance in America

 

WASHINGTON – In this week's address, President Barack Obama highlighted a new report from the Treasury Department that found that about half of all Americans under 65 will lose their health coverage at some point over the next ten years.  The report also found that Americans under 21 have more than a 50-percent chance of going uninsured at some point in that time. And more than one-third of Americans will go without coverage for longer than one year. The full Treasury report can be viewed HERE.

 

The full audio of the address is HERE. The video can be viewed online at www.whitehouse.gov.

 

Remarks of President Barack Obama

Weekly Address

The White House

September 12, 2009

 

On Wednesday, I addressed a joint session of Congress and the American people about why we need health insurance reform and what it will take to do it.

 

Since then, I've continued to hear from many Americans across the country about why this is so urgent and important.

 

I've heard from Americans who can't get health coverage; men and women who worry that one accident or illness could drive them into bankruptcy.

 

And I've heard from Americans with insurance who thought that "the uninsured" always referred to someone else – but between skyrocketing costs and insurance company practices; they're beginning to worry that they could find themselves uninsured too.

 

It's an anxiety that's keeping more and more Americans awake at night.  Over the last twelve months, nearly six million more Americans lost their health coverage – that's 17,000 men and women every single day.  We're not just talking about Americans in poverty, either – we're talking about middle-class Americans.  In other words, it can happen to anyone.  

 

And based on a brand-new report from the Treasury Department, we can expect that about half of all Americans under 65 will lose their health coverage at some point over the next ten years.  If you're under the age of 21 today, chances are more than half that you'll find yourself uninsured at some point in that time.  And more than one-third of Americans will go without coverage for longer than one year.

 

I refuse to allow that future to happen.  In the United States of America, no one should have to worry that they'll go without health insurance – not for one year, not for one month, not for one day.  And once I sign my health reform plan into law – they won't.

 

My plan will provide more security and stability to those who have health insurance; offer quality, affordable choices to those who currently don't; and bring health care costs for our families, our businesses, and our government under control.

 

First of all, if you are among the hundreds of millions of Americans who already have insurance through your job, or Medicare, or Medicaid, or the VA, nothing in my plan will require you or your employer to change the coverage or the doctor you have.

 

What my plan will do is make the insurance you have work better for you.  We'll make it illegal for insurance companies to deny you coverage because of a pre-existing condition, drop your coverage when you get sick, or water it down when you need it most.  They'll no longer be able to place some arbitrary cap on the amount of coverage you can receive in a given year or over a lifetime, and we will place a limit on how much you can be charged for out-of-pocket expenses – because no one should go broke just because they get sick.

 

Second, if you're one of the more than thirty million American citizens who can't get coverage, you'll finally have quality, affordable choices.  If you lose your job, change your job, or start your own business, you will be able to get coverage. 

 

And as I have said over and over again, I will not sign a plan that adds one dime to our deficits – period.  This plan will be paid for.  The middle-class will realize greater security, not higher taxes.  And if we can successfully slow the growth of health care costs by just one-tenth of one percent each year, it will actually reduce the deficit by $4 trillion over the long term.

 

Affordable, quality care within reach for the tens of millions of Americans who don't have it today.  Stability and security for the hundreds of millions who do.  That's the reform we seek.

 

We have had a long and important debate.  But now is the time for action.  Because every day we wait, more Americans will lose their health care, their businesses, and their homes – but also the dreams they've worked for and the peace of mind they deserve.  They are why we have to succeed.

 

So if you're willing to put country before party and the interests of our children above our own; if you refuse to settle for a politics where scoring points is more important than solving problems; and if you believe, as I do, that America can still come together to do great things – then join us.  Give us your help.  And we will finally get health insurance reform done this year.

 

 

Fwd: EMBARGOED: Remarks of President Obama in Address to a Joint Session of Congress

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary

_______________________________________________________________________________________

EMBARGOED UNTIL DELIVERY

September 9, 2009

 

Remarks of President Barack Obama – As Prepared for Delivery

Address to a Joint Session of Congress on Health Care

Wednesday, September 9^th, 2009

Washington, DC

 

 

Madame Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, and the American people:

 

When I spoke here last winter, this nation was facing the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.  We were losing an average of 700,000 jobs per month.  Credit was frozen.  And our financial system was on the verge of collapse. 

 

As any American who is still looking for work or a way to pay their bills will tell you, we are by no means out of the woods.  A full and vibrant recovery is many months away.  And I will not let up until those Americans who seek jobs can find them; until those businesses that seek capital and credit can thrive; until all responsible homeowners can stay in their homes.  That is our ultimate goal.  But thanks to the bold and decisive action we have taken since January, I can stand here with confidence and say that we have pulled this economy back from the brink. 

 

I want to thank the members of this body for your efforts and your support in these last several months, and especially those who have taken the difficult votes that have put us on a path to recovery.  I also want to thank the American people for their patience and resolve during this trying time for our nation. 

 

But we did not come here just to clean up crises.  We came to build a future.  So tonight, I return to speak to all of you about an issue that is central to that future – and that is the issue of health care. 

 

I am not the first President to take up this cause, but I am determined to be the last.  It has now been nearly a century since Theodore Roosevelt first called for health care reform.  And ever since, nearly every President and Congress, whether Democrat or Republican, has attempted to meet this challenge in some way.  A bill for comprehensive health reform was first introduced by John Dingell Sr. in 1943.  Sixty-five years later, his son continues to introduce that same bill at the beginning of each session. 

 

Our collective failure to meet this challenge – year after year, decade after decade – has led us to a breaking point.  Everyone understands the extraordinary hardships that are placed on the uninsured, who live every day just one accident or illness away from bankruptcy.  These are not primarily people on welfare.  These are middle-class Americans.  Some can't get insurance on the job.  Others are self-employed, and can't afford it, since buying insurance on your own costs you three times as much as the coverage you get from your employer.   Many other Americans who are willing and able to pay are still denied insurance due to previous illnesses or conditions that insurance companies decide are too risky or expensive to cover. 

 

We are the only advanced democracy on Earth – the only wealthy nation – that allows such hardships for millions of its people.  There are now more than thirty million American citizens who cannot get coverage.  In just a two year period, one in every three Americans goes without health care coverage at some point.  And every day, 14,000 Americans lose their coverage.  In other words, it can happen to anyone.

 

But the problem that plagues the health care system is not just a problem of the uninsured.  Those who do have insurance have never had less security and stability than they do today.   More and more Americans worry that if you move, lose your job, or change your job, you'll lose your health insurance too.  More and more Americans pay their premiums, only to discover that their insurance company has dropped their coverage when they get sick, or won't pay the full cost of care.  It happens every day.

 

One man from Illinois lost his coverage in the middle of chemotherapy because his insurer found that he hadn't reported gallstones that he didn't even know about.  They delayed his treatment, and he died because of it.  Another woman from Texas was about to get a double mastectomy when her insurance company canceled her policy because she forgot to declare a case of acne.  By the time she had her insurance reinstated, her breast cancer more than doubled in size.  That is heart-breaking, it is wrong, and no one should be treated that way in the United States of America. 

 

Then there's the problem of rising costs.  We spend one-and-a-half times more per person on health care than any other country, but we aren't any healthier for it.  This is one of the reasons that insurance premiums have gone up three times faster than wages.  It's why so many employers – especially small businesses – are forcing their employees to pay more for insurance, or are dropping their coverage entirely.  It's why so many aspiring entrepreneurs cannot afford to open a business in the first place, and why American businesses that compete internationally – like our automakers – are at a huge disadvantage.  And it's why those of us with health insurance are also paying a hidden and growing tax for those without it – about $1000 per year that pays for somebody else's emergency room and charitable care. 

 

Finally, our health care system is placing an unsustainable burden on taxpayers.  When health care costs grow at the rate they have, it puts greater pressure on programs like Medicare and Medicaid.  If we do nothing to slow these skyrocketing costs, we will eventually be spending more on Medicare and Medicaid than every other government program combined.  Put simply, our health care problem is our deficit problem.  Nothing else even comes close.  

 

These are the facts.  Nobody disputes them.  We know we must reform this system.  The question is how. 

 

There are those on the left who believe that the only way to fix the system is through a single-payer system like Canada's, where we would severely restrict the private insurance market and have the government provide coverage for everyone.  On the right, there are those who argue that we should end the employer-based system and leave individuals to buy health insurance on their own.

 

I have to say that there are arguments to be made for both approaches.  But either one would represent a radical shift that would disrupt the health care most people currently have.  Since health care represents one-sixth of our economy, I believe it makes more sense to build on what works and fix what doesn't, rather than try to build an entirely new system from scratch.  And that is precisely what those of you in Congress have tried to do over the past several months. 

 

During that time, we have seen Washington at its best and its worst. 

 

We have seen many in this chamber work tirelessly for the better part of this year to offer thoughtful ideas about how to achieve reform.  Of the five committees asked to develop bills, four have completed their work, and the Senate Finance Committee announced today that it will move forward next week.  That has never happened before.  Our overall efforts have been supported by an unprecedented coalition of doctors and nurses; hospitals, seniors' groups and even drug companies – many of whom opposed reform in the past.  And there is agreement in this chamber on about eighty percent of what needs to be done, putting us closer to the goal of reform than we have ever been. 

 

But what we have also seen in these last months is the same partisan spectacle that only hardens the disdain many Americans have toward their own government.  Instead of honest debate, we have seen scare tactics.  Some have dug into unyielding ideological camps that offer no hope of compromise.  Too many have used this as an opportunity to score short-term political points, even if it robs the country of our opportunity to solve a long-term challenge.  And out of this blizzard of charges and counter-charges, confusion has reigned. 

 

Well the time for bickering is over.  The time for games has passed.  Now is the season for action.  Now is when we must bring the best ideas of both parties together, and show the American people that we can still do what we were sent here to do.  Now is the time to deliver on health care. 

 

The plan I'm announcing tonight would meet three basic goals: 

 

It will provide more security and stability to those who have health insurance.  It will provide insurance to those who don't.  And it will slow the growth of health care costs for our families, our businesses, and our government.  It's a plan that asks everyone to take responsibility for meeting this challenge – not just government and insurance companies, but employers and individuals.  And it's a plan that incorporates ideas from Senators and Congressmen; from Democrats and Republicans – and yes, from some of my opponents in both the primary and general election.   

 

Here are the details that every American needs to know about this plan:

 

First, if you are among the hundreds of millions of Americans who already have health insurance through your job, Medicare, Medicaid, or the VA, nothing in this plan will require you or your employer to change the coverage or the doctor you have.  Let me repeat this:  nothing in our plan requires you to change what you have. 

 

What this plan will do is to make the insurance you have work better for you.  Under this plan, it will be against the law for insurance companies to deny you coverage because of a pre-existing condition.  As soon as I sign this bill, it will be against the law for insurance companies to drop your coverage when you get sick or water it down when you need it most.  They will no longer be able to place some arbitrary cap on the amount of coverage you can receive in a given year or a lifetime.  We will place a limit on how much you can be charged for out-of-pocket expenses, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they get sick.  And insurance companies will be required to cover, with no extra charge, routine checkups and preventive care, like mammograms and colonoscopies – because there's no reason we shouldn't be catching diseases like breast cancer and colon cancer before they get worse.  That makes sense, it saves money, and it saves lives.   

 

That's what Americans who have health insurance can expect from this plan – more security and stability. 

 

Now, if you're one of the tens of millions of Americans who don't currently have health insurance, the second part of this plan will finally offer you quality, affordable choices.  If you lose your job or change your job, you will be able to get coverage.  If you strike out on your own and start a small business, you will be able to get coverage.  We will do this by creating a new insurance exchange – a marketplace where individuals and small businesses will be able to shop for health insurance at competitive prices.  Insurance companies will have an incentive to participate in this exchange because it lets them compete for millions of new customers.  As one big group, these customers will have greater leverage to bargain with the insurance companies for better prices and quality coverage.  This is how large companies and government employees get affordable insurance.  It's how everyone in this Congress gets affordable insurance.  And it's time to give every American the same opportunity that we've given ourselves. 

 

For those individuals and small businesses who still cannot afford the lower-priced insurance available in the exchange, we will provide tax credits, the size of which will be based on your need.  And all insurance companies that want access to this new marketplace will have to abide by the consumer protections I already mentioned.  This exchange will take effect in four years, which will give us time to do it right.  In the meantime, for those Americans who can't get insurance today because they have pre-existing medical conditions, we will immediately offer low-cost coverage that will protect you against financial ruin if you become seriously ill.  This was a good idea when Senator John McCain proposed it in the campaign, it's a good idea now, and we should embrace it. 

 

Now, even if we provide these affordable options, there may be those – particularly the young and healthy – who still want to take the risk and go without coverage.  There may still be companies that refuse to do right by their workers.  The problem is, such irresponsible behavior costs all the rest of us money.  If there are affordable options and people still don't sign up for health insurance, it means we pay for those people's expensive emergency room visits.  If some businesses don't provide workers health care, it forces the rest of us to pick up the tab when their workers get sick, and gives those businesses an unfair advantage over their competitors.  And unless everybody does their part, many of the insurance reforms we seek – especially requiring insurance companies to cover pre-existing conditions – just can't be achieved. 

 

That's why under my plan, individuals will be required to carry basic health insurance – just as most states require you to carry auto insurance.  Likewise, businesses will be required to either offer their workers health care, or chip in to help cover the cost of their workers.  There will be a hardship waiver for those individuals who still cannot afford coverage, and 95% of all small businesses, because of their size and narrow profit margin, would be exempt from these requirements.  But we cannot have large businesses and individuals who can afford coverage game the system by avoiding responsibility to themselves or their employees.  Improving our health care system only works if everybody does their part. 

 

While there remain some significant details to be ironed out, I believe a broad consensus exists for the aspects of the plan I just outlined:  consumer protections for those with insurance, an exchange that allows individuals and small businesses to purchase affordable coverage, and a requirement that people who can afford insurance get insurance. 

 

And I have no doubt that these reforms would greatly benefit Americans from all walks of life, as well as the economy as a whole.  Still, given all the misinformation that's been spread over the past few months, I realize that many Americans have grown nervous about reform.  So tonight I'd like to address some of the key controversies that are still out there. 

 

Some of people's concerns have grown out of bogus claims spread by those whose only agenda is to kill reform at any cost.  The best example is the claim, made not just by radio and cable talk show hosts, but prominent politicians, that we plan to set up panels of bureaucrats with the power to kill off senior citizens.  Such a charge would be laughable if it weren't so cynical and irresponsible.  It is a lie, plain and simple. 

 

There are also those who claim that our reform effort will insure illegal immigrants.  This, too, is false – the reforms I'm proposing would not apply to those who are here illegally.  And one more misunderstanding I want to clear up – under our plan, no federal dollars will be used to fund abortions, and federal conscience laws will remain in place. 

 

My health care proposal has also been attacked by some who oppose reform as a "government takeover" of the entire health care system.  As proof, critics point to a provision in our plan that allows the uninsured and small businesses to choose a publicly-sponsored insurance option, administered by the government just like Medicaid or Medicare. 

 

So let me set the record straight.  My guiding principle is, and always has been, that consumers do better when there is choice and competition.  Unfortunately, in 34 states, 75% of the insurance market is controlled by five or fewer companies.  In Alabama, almost 90% is controlled by just one company.  Without competition, the price of insurance goes up and the quality goes down.  And it makes it easier for insurance companies to treat their customers badly – by cherry-picking the healthiest individuals and trying to drop the sickest; by overcharging small businesses who have no leverage; and by jacking up rates.

 

Insurance executives don't do this because they are bad people.  They do it because it's profitable.  As one former insurance executive testified before Congress, insurance companies are not only encouraged to find reasons to drop the seriously ill; they are rewarded for it.  All of this is in service of meeting what this former executive called "Wall Street's relentless profit expectations."

 

Now, I have no interest in putting insurance companies out of business.  They provide a legitimate service, and employ a lot of our friends and neighbors.  I just want to hold them accountable.  The insurance reforms that I've already mentioned would do just that.  But an additional step we can take to keep insurance companies honest is by making a not-for-profit public option available in the insurance exchange.  Let me be clear – it would only be an option for those who don't have insurance.  No one would be forced to choose it, and it would not impact those of you who already have insurance.  In fact, based on Congressional Budget Office estimates, we believe that less than 5% of Americans would sign up.

 

Despite all this, the insurance companies and their allies don't like this idea.  They argue that these private companies can't fairly compete with the government.  And they'd be right if taxpayers were subsidizing this public insurance option.  But they won't be.  I have insisted that like any private insurance company, the public insurance option would have to be self-sufficient and rely on the premiums it collects.  But by avoiding some of the overhead that gets eaten up at private companies by profits, excessive administrative costs and executive salaries, it could provide a good deal for consumers.  It would also keep pressure on private insurers to keep their policies affordable and treat their customers better, the same way public colleges and universities provide additional choice and competition to students without in any way inhibiting a vibrant system of private colleges and universities.

 

It's worth noting that a strong majority of Americans still favor a public insurance option of the sort I've proposed tonight.  But its impact shouldn't be exaggerated – by the left, the right, or the media.  It is only one part of my plan, and should not be used as a handy excuse for the usual Washington ideological battles.  To my progressive friends, I would remind you that for decades, the driving idea behind reform has been to end insurance company abuses and make coverage affordable for those without it.  The public option is only a means to that end – and we should remain open to other ideas that accomplish our ultimate goal.  And to my Republican friends, I say that rather than making wild claims about a government takeover of health care, we should work together to address any legitimate concerns you may have. 

 

For example, some have suggested that that the public option go into effect only in those markets where insurance companies are not providing affordable policies.  Others propose a co-op or another non-profit entity to administer the plan.  These are all constructive ideas worth exploring.  But I will not back down on the basic principle that if Americans can't find affordable coverage, we will provide you with a choice.  And I will make sure that no government bureaucrat or insurance company bureaucrat gets between you and the care that you need. 

 

Finally, let me discuss an issue that is a great concern to me, to members of this chamber, and to the public – and that is how we pay for this plan. 

 

Here's what you need to know.  First, I will not sign a plan that adds one dime to our deficits – either now or in the future.  Period.  And to prove that I'm serious, there will be a provision in this plan that requires us to come forward with more spending cuts if the savings we promised don't materialize.  Part of the reason I faced a trillion dollar deficit when I walked in the door of the White House is because too many initiatives over the last decade were not paid for – from the Iraq War to tax breaks for the wealthy.  I will not make that same mistake with health care.  

 

Second, we've estimated that most of this plan can be paid for by finding savings within the existing health care system – a system that is currently full of waste and abuse.  Right now, too much of the hard-earned savings and tax dollars we spend on health care doesn't make us healthier.  That's not my judgment – it's the judgment of medical professionals across this country.  And this is also true when it comes to Medicare and Medicaid. 

 

In fact, I want to speak directly to America's seniors for a moment, because Medicare is another issue that's been subjected to demagoguery and distortion during the course of this debate.

 

More than four decades ago, this nation stood up for the principle that after a lifetime of hard work, our seniors should not be left to struggle with a pile of medical bills in their later years.  That is how Medicare was born.  And it remains a sacred trust that must be passed down from one generation to the next.  That is why not a dollar of the Medicare trust fund will be used to pay for this plan. 

 

The only thing this plan would eliminate is the hundreds of billions of dollars in waste and fraud, as well as unwarranted subsidies in Medicare that go to insurance companies – subsidies that do everything to pad their profits and nothing to improve your care.  And we will also create an independent commission of doctors and medical experts charged with identifying more waste in the years ahead.   

 

These steps will ensure that you – America's seniors – get the benefits you've been promised.  They will ensure that Medicare is there for future generations.  And we can use some of the savings to fill the gap in coverage that forces too many seniors to pay thousands of dollars a year out of their own pocket for prescription drugs.  That's what this plan will do for you.  So don't  pay attention to those scary stories about how your benefits will be cut – especially since some of the same folks who are spreading these tall tales have fought against Medicare in the past, and just this year supported a budget that would have essentially turned Medicare into a privatized voucher program.  That will never happen on my watch.  I will protect Medicare.      

 

Now, because Medicare is such a big part of the health care system, making the program more efficient can help usher in changes in the way we deliver health care that can reduce costs for everybody.  We have long known that some places, like the Intermountain Healthcare in Utah or the Geisinger Health System in rural Pennsylvania, offer high-quality care at costs below average.  The commission can help encourage the adoption of these common-sense best practices by doctors and medical professionals throughout the system – everything from reducing hospital infection rates to encouraging better coordination between teams of doctors. 

 

Reducing the waste and inefficiency in Medicare and Medicaid will pay for most of this plan.  Much of the rest would be paid for with revenues from the very same drug and insurance companies that stand to benefit from tens of millions of new customers.  This reform will charge insurance companies a fee for their most expensive policies, which will encourage them to provide greater value for the money – an idea which has the support of Democratic and Republican experts.  And according to these same experts, this modest change could help hold down the cost of health care for all of us in the long-run. 

 

Finally, many in this chamber – particularly on the Republican side of the aisle – have long insisted that reforming our medical malpractice laws can help bring down the cost of health care.  I don't believe malpractice reform is a silver bullet, but I have talked to enough doctors to know that defensive medicine may be contributing to unnecessary costs.  So I am proposing that we move forward on a range of ideas about how to put patient safety first and let doctors focus on practicing medicine.  I know that the Bush Administration considered authorizing demonstration projects in individual states to test these issues. It's a good idea, and I am directing my Secretary of Health and Human Services to move forward on this initiative today. 

 

Add it all up, and the plan I'm proposing will cost around $900 billion over ten years – less than we have spent on the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, and less than the tax cuts for the wealthiest few Americans that Congress passed at the beginning of the previous administration.  Most of these costs will be paid for with money already being spent – but spent badly – in the existing health care system.  The plan will not add to our deficit.  The middle-class will realize greater security, not higher taxes.  And if we are able to slow the growth of health care costs by just one-tenth of one percent each year, it will actually reduce the deficit by $4 trillion over the long term. 

 

This is the plan I'm proposing.  It's a plan that incorporates ideas from many of the people in this room tonight – Democrats and Republicans.  And I will continue to seek common ground in the weeks ahead.  If you come to me with a serious set of proposals, I will be there to listen.  My door is always open. 

 

But know this:  I will not waste time with those who have made the calculation that it's better politics to kill this plan than improve it.  I will not stand by while the special interests use the same old tactics to keep things exactly the way they are.  If you misrepresent what's in the plan, we will call you out.  And I will not accept the status quo as a solution.  Not this time.  Not now.

 

Everyone in this room knows what will happen if we do nothing.  Our deficit will grow.  More families will go bankrupt.  More businesses will close.  More Americans will lose their coverage when they are sick and need it most.  And more will die as a result.  We know these things to be true. 

 

That is why we cannot fail.  Because there are too many Americans counting on us to succeed – the ones who suffer silently, and the ones who shared their stories with us at town hall meetings, in emails, and in letters.

 

I received one of those letters a few days ago.  It was from our beloved friend and colleague, Ted Kennedy.  He had written it back in May, shortly after he was told that his illness was terminal.  He asked that it be delivered upon his death. 

 

In it, he spoke about what a happy time his last months were, thanks to the love and support of family and friends, his wife, Vicki, and his children, who are here tonight .  And he expressed confidence that this would be the year that health care reform – "that great unfinished business of our society," he called it – would finally pass.  He repeated the truth that health care is decisive for our future prosperity, but he also reminded me that "it concerns more than material things."  "What we face," he wrote, "is above all a moral issue; at stake are not just the details of policy, but fundamental principles of social justice and the character of our country."

 

I've thought about that phrase quite a bit in recent days – the character of our country.  One of the unique and wonderful things about America has always been our self-reliance, our rugged individualism, our fierce defense of freedom and our healthy skepticism of government.  And figuring out the appropriate size and role of government has always been a source of rigorous and sometimes angry debate.   

 

For some of Ted Kennedy's critics, his brand of liberalism represented an affront to American liberty.  In their mind, his passion for universal health care was nothing more than a passion for big government. 

 

But those of us who knew Teddy and worked with him here – people of both parties – know that what drove him was something more.  His friend, Orrin Hatch, knows that.  They worked together to provide children with health insurance.  His friend John McCain knows that.  They worked together on a Patient's Bill of Rights.  His friend Chuck Grassley knows that.  They worked together to provide health care to children with disabilities. 

 

On issues like these, Ted Kennedy's passion was born not of some rigid ideology, but of his own experience.  It was the experience of having two children stricken with cancer.  He never forgot the sheer terror and helplessness that any parent feels when a child is badly sick; and he was able to imagine what it must be like for those without insurance; what it would be like to have to say to a wife or a child or an aging parent – there is something that could make you better, but I just can't afford it. 

 

That large-heartedness – that concern and regard for the plight of others – is not a partisan feeling.  It is not a Republican or a Democratic feeling.  It, too, is part of the American character.  Our ability to stand in other people's shoes.  A recognition that we are all in this together; that when fortune turns against one of us, others are there to lend a helping hand.  A belief that in this country, hard work and responsibility should be rewarded by some measure of security and fair play; and an acknowledgement that sometimes government has to step in to help deliver on that promise.

 

This has always been the history of our progress.  In 1933, when over half of our seniors could not support themselves and millions had seen their savings wiped away, there were those who argued that Social Security would lead to socialism. But the men and women of Congress stood fast, and we are all the better for it.  In 1965, when some argued that Medicare represented a government takeover of health care, members of Congress, Democrats and Republicans, did not back down.  They joined together so that all of us could enter our golden years with some basic peace of mind.  

 

You see, our predecessors understood that government could not, and should not, solve every problem.  They understood that there are instances when the gains in security from government action are not worth the added constraints on our freedom.  But they also understood that the danger of too much government is matched by the perils of too little; that without the leavening hand of wise policy, markets can crash, monopolies can stifle competition, and the vulnerable can be exploited.  And they knew that when any government measure, no matter how carefully crafted or beneficial, is subject to scorn; when any efforts to help people in need are attacked as un-American; when facts and reason are thrown overboard and only timidity passes for wisdom, and we can no longer even engage in a civil conversation with each other over the things that truly matter – that at that point we don't merely lose our capacity to solve big challenges.  We lose something essential about ourselves. 

 

What was true then remains true today.  I understand how difficult this health care debate has been.  I know that many in this country are deeply skeptical that government is looking out for them.  I understand that the politically safe move would be to kick the can further down the road – to defer reform one more year, or one more election, or one more term. 

 

But that's not what the moment calls for.  That's not what we came here to do.  We did not come to fear the future.  We came here to shape it.  I still believe we can act even when it's hard.  I still believe we can replace acrimony with civility, and gridlock with progress.  I still believe we can do great things, and that here and now we will meet history's test.

 

Because that is who we are.  That is our calling.  That is our character.  Thank you, God Bless You, and may God Bless the United States of America.